Sam Greene is no longer with the Carnegie Endowment.
Sam Greene was a deputy director for operations. He joined the Moscow Center in 2005. Before joining the Center, he was senior media program advisor for the New Eurasia Foundation, a London and Moscow correspondent for FT Business from 2002 to 2004, and a freelance journalist based in Moscow since 1999.
Russia’s recovery from the global economic crisis has been slow, constrained by a number of economic and political structural problems. Until they are resolved, these issues will continue to hinder Russia’s development.
Public confidence in Russia's ruling tandem has plummeted to record lows, and a majority now believes their country is headed in the wrong direction. The country needs reform, but it may be too late for the system to save itself.
Alexander Lukashenko may have won a fourth term as president of Belarus, but he now faces both an opposition capable of mass mobilization and international partners in Europe and Russia that are growing tired of paying to maintain his status quo.
The use and misuse of history as a tool for political competition and control has become an increasingly visible phenomenon in public and political life in Russia and other post-Soviet countries over recent years.
The person who is chosen to replace ousted Moscow Mayor Luzhkov is less important than the extent to which the new City Hall changes its relationship with Moscow's citizens, business community, and its political opponents.
Russia needs Europe’s technological resources to maintain its current economic and political system. Europe, however, wants its investment in Russia to lead to long-term institutional reform in Moscow.
Lifting visa requirements on travel from Russia to the European Union is likely to bring Russian citizens further into the institutional, normative, and cultural pathways of Europe.
The Kremlin’s control over the media may allow Russia’s elites to avoid the immediate consequences of the recent metro bombings, but if the security problem is not resolved, the current authorities will face growing calls for accountability.
Russian policy makers need to open space for public debate and engage in substantive discussions on critical global issues, and Western governments and institutions need to open the door to independent Russian voices.
As the world headed to Copenhagen to talk about climate change, Russians were largely silent on the subject; by most accounts, the average Russian citizen doesn’t think about global warming at all.
Enormous societal and political shifts 20 years ago opened prospects for a new, united Europe. Despite Russia’s role in this peaceful departure from totalitarianism, the country’s course in the subsequent two decades was not so straightforward. While the demolition of the Berlin Wall is no guarantee of success, democratic transformations are a necessary precondition.
The recent attacks demonstrate the Kremlin’s lack of success in defeating the North Caucasus insurgency believed to be behind the March metro bombings, as well as the impossibility of isolating the violence in the North Caucasus without turning Russia into a police state.
Ten years after the beginning of the coalition-led war in Afghanistan, the United States may have to reconsider whether its current strategy is able to achieve its goal of a stable and secure Afghanistan.
The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 ushered in a time of momentous social and political change, including in Russia, but Russia’s development followed a different path than that of many Eastern European countries.
In 2001, analysts at Goldman Sachs came up with the acronym BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) as a way to promote investment in emerging markets. But the acronym has taken on a new meaning since then, and the four countries have started using it to pursue their own political ambitions.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was founded in 2001 by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, but the nature of the organization and its role remain somewhat unclear.
The IMF and other Western institutions played a marginal role in the Russian default of 1998. However, working with the IMF was instrumental in teaching Russian authorities how to think through problems more comprehensively.
The ideal president and national leader for Belarus would be someone who appeals to the country’s national archetypes and can help form a national identity for Belarusians.
With Russia engaged in an effort to develop a secure sense of its own national identity, the West must initiate constructive discussions with Moscow to build up the trust necessary for cooperation and coexistence.
The political, social, and cultural influence exerted by the ethnic solidarity of the Cherkessian people, located both in the Russian Federation and in the diaspora, has the potential to further destabilize the North Caucasus.
Two years after it declared independence from Serbia, Kosovo is struggling to develop autonomy and gain international recognition. But the new state is posing both security and political problems locally and for the international community.
In order for Japan to address the spectrum of regional and global challenges it faces, it must establish national objectives and a trajectory that preserves and reasserts Japanese identity.
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Russia is clearly concerned with the rise of Islamist extremists in the Middle East and is looking for ways to prevent destabilization in the region. At the same time, it is seeking to improve ties with various Arab countries.
The 2013 Carnegie International Nuclear Policy Conference will bring together over 800 experts and officials from more than 45 countries and international organizations to discuss emerging trends in nuclear nonproliferation, strategic stability, deterrence, disarmament, and nuclear energy.
Moscow is home to Russia’s gigantic government apparatus and the headquarters of its largest business companies. It is a sprawling metropolis that contains a growing number of new residents.
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