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A Greater Asia, stretching from Shanghai to St. Petersburg, could transform the entire continent of Eurasia and have a significant impact on the global balance of power.
The Ukraine showdown is even scarier and more dangerous than most people think: President Putin is making it up as he goes along.
The West should be linking aid to Ukraine to peace rather than war.
Ukraine and the global crisis over it point to the start of a new period in world politics. Great powers—Russia overtly, China covertly—are challenging the U.S.-dominated order. Also, in the foreseeable future, there will be no common security system in Europe.
The new Minsk agreement will not necessarily prevent further escalation, but it might postpone it. The world should work hard to make sure that the shaky truce does not founder, leading to a broader war.
The danger for the EU in the rapprochement between Russia and China lies in the fortification of the Russian economy against sanctions and in an increased assertiveness for China.
Through its actions in Ukraine, Russia wants to consolidate its new strategic perimeter without being drawn into a full-scale war.
Syrian jihad will not be replicated by Central Asian combatants returning home, but fundamentalist ideals are long-established in this region and will not go away.
Eight months of continuous presidential vacuum is bad news for the future of Lebanon’s democracy and stability.
Sending weapons to Ukraine could prolong the country’s agony and distract it from the vital task of reconstruction.
By hosting the seventh summit of the BRICS group, Vladimir Putin will demonstrate to the Russian people and the world that his country is anything but isolated.
As unsavory as it sounds, Obama may need to press for a diplomatic solution with Putin.
To escape the analogy of a revolution, Vladimir Putin must rise above the rapacious elite, and to avoid being overthrown, he must replace it.
For the Russian economic and political system, as well as for the country’s foreign relations, the current economic crisis is an existential one. Russia will exit from it in a very different form from what it is today.
For over two decades, no one in the West felt the need for regulating Russia’s relations with NATO. The lesson of the Napoleonic wars about the need to integrate a former adversary—which was forgotten after WWI—has been forgotten again.
The crisis presents Putin with an opportunity to tighten his grip on business, to see who is loyal and who is not, to pick winners and losers, to decide who will receive state support and whose assets should be “redistributed”.
In 2014, Russia broke out of the post–Cold War order and openly challenged the U.S.-led international system. Moscow’s new course is laid down first and foremost by President Vladimir Putin, but it also reflects the rising power of Russian nationalism.
Despite the large number of bilateral agreements signed as a result of Putin’s visit to Delhi, there are many obstacles to an improved relationship with India that require pragmatic approaches from both sides.
U.S. foreign policy in a more difficult, intrusive world.
It appears that Vladimir Putin’s visit to India will not lead to a breakthrough in Russian-Indian relations. If nothing is done soon following his visit to materially upgrade the relationship, its stagnation will become qualitative, not just quantitative.
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