In 2014, Russia broke out of the post-Cold War order and openly challenged the U.S.-led international system. Moscow’s new course is laid down first and foremost by President Vladimir Putin, but it also reflects the rising power of Russian nationalism.
Despite the large number of bilateral agreements signed as a result of Putin’s visit to Delhi, there are many obstacles to an improved relationship with India that require pragmatic approaches from both sides.
It appears that Vladimir Putin’s visit to India will not lead to a breakthrough in Russian-Indian relations. If nothing is done soon following his visit to materially upgrade the relationship, its stagnation will become qualitative, not just quantitative.
By reactivating its policy on Pyongyang, Moscow is sending messages to Seoul, Tokyo, Washington, and Beijing, which should be properly understood.
Russia needs to use every opportunity to inform the Indian government and public about Moscow’s priorities in regional and global politics and about its views on all issues which are relevant to Indians.
The BRICS countries are establishing the New Development Bank to expand economic assistance to developing countries beyond that offered by the Bretton Woods institutions.
Washington and its allies should strategically continue patient diplomacy unless Iran resumes provocative nuclear activities.
The crisis in Ukraine has betrayed fault lines in the Visegrad Group. Unless Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic change course, the “golden age” of Central Europe may come to an end.
The shooting down of an Armenian helicopter on the ceasefire line of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone is the worst incident of its kind in over 20 years.
Ukraine is not a cause, but a symbol of the serious and deepening crisis between the United States with its allies and Russia. As this crisis may become a permanent state, it is time for permanent crisis management.
Russia has territory, resources, and a sizable nuclear arsenal, but it lacks real economic strength. Can it correct this deficiency?
Over a few months the Islamic State has asserted itself as the strongest—militarily and politically—extremist organization in the Middle East. Russia must develop a policy to deal with the Islamic State.
South Asia is more vulnerable to a possible nuclear conflict than any other region. It is necessary to take a number of urgent steps to stabilize relations between India and Pakistan and prevent a nuclear threat.
The war in Ukraine has given Russia a pretext for the military and patriotic consolidation and militarist survival paradigm.
Rather than “replacing” Europe with China in its foreign policy universe, Russia would be wise to develop its relations with Beijing closer to the level of the very thick ties which link it to its Western neighbors.
Moscow’s military-technical cooperation with both New Delhi and Beijing means that Russia cannot stand apart from Indian-Chinese disagreements.
The rapid rise of the Islamic State means core assumptions driving policy on Syria must be rethought.
In spite of all the difficulties, it appears possible to engage China gradually in the nuclear arms limitation process. However, not only Beijing but also the United States and Russia must revise their military policies.
The main players in the Ukrainian crisis must take urgent steps to avoid the danger of a big war.
Although the relationship between India and the United States should be viewed indifferently by Russia, Moscow needs to pay attention in order to learn from and not repeat mistakes made by New Delhi and Washington.
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