The Obama administration must engage in a new type of dialogue with the Middle East, one modeled after the process used to improve relations with the Soviet bloc, if it wants to have any chance of impacting political reform in the region.
One of Iraq’s vice presidents, Tariq al-Hashemi, has vetoed the country's new election law, threatening to delay elections which according to the constitution must happen by the end of January 2010.
Signs of strength are emerging in the Russian economy, aided by increasing exports, oil prices, and industrial production. However, weak domestic demand may hamper the recovery’s sustainability.
President Medvedev’s modernization program seems more like another attempt to freshen up Russia’s democratic façade while maintaining the status quo, which could potentially worsen the country’s stagnation and perhaps make it irreversible.
President Medvedev's recent annual address reveals a political style characterized by sharp and wide-ranging criticisms, rhetorical flourishes, and the absence of a bridge between his strategic plans and his concrete proposals.
The Carnegie Moscow Center works to facilitate Andrew Carnegie’s belief that the world could be made a better place through the spread of knowledge and international cooperation. This year, the Center celebrates its 15th anniversary.
In his annual address, President Medvedev delivered a critical and shrewd assessment of Russia's state of affairs, but it remains to be seen whether fear of yielding political control will prevent the Kremlin from acting on Medvedev’s bold words.
Despite the complexities involved, the new START treaty should be signed by spring 2010. The main stumbling block is that the United States prioritizes a regime of transparency, whereas Russia demands a reduction of strategic weapons.
While the U.S.-led NATO operations in Afghanistan have resulted in somewhat enhanced security capacity for Central Asian countries, their long-term security challenges seem to be increasing, given the current situation in Afghanistan and the growing instability of Pakistan.
President Obama’s trip to Asia will signal renewed U.S. commitment to this vitally important region. Perhaps the most important stop will be in China, where Obama will seek to ease lingering strategic distrust and discuss key issues of trade, climate change, and security.
U.S. plans to build a global missile defense system have caused consternation in Moscow, where a potential U.S. first-strike capability is still viewed as the most serious external military threat to Russia.
The Russian perception of Stalin and his crimes has more to do with the nature of Russian statehood than with the monstrous actions of the man himself.
On the anniversary of President Obama’s election, relations with Russia have become a bright spot among the president’s ambitious foreign policy efforts, while other central international goals remain unachieved.
A new system has been implemented for naming the candidate for a gubernatorial post in Russia; the fate of 10 percent of the governors hangs in the balance.
The West and Russia need to embark on a long and potentially rocky path toward creating a security community in Europe that would include both NATO members and nonmembers.
By embracing a soft power foreign policy fueled by a new focus on economic, intellectual and social renewal, Russia can emerge as a serious and indispensable global actor.
U.S. ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty will enhance global security and provide greater leverage over states like Iran and North Korea that are unwilling to play by the rules.
Universal ratification of the CTBT will create another tool for impeding Iran's nuclear ambitions, but the United States must take the lead.
At the top of Secretary Clinton's agenda during her visit to Russia is a discussion of Iran's nuclear ambitions. Conflicting messages from President Medvedev and Foreign Minister Lavrov leave the outcome of that discussion in doubt.
Municipal elections held in Russia on October 11 proved that most Russian voters seem to feel that elections have no direct bearing on their lives and that the authorities feel no impetus to institute change in the current Russian party system.