The agreements reached between U.S. President Obama and Russian President Medvedev at the U.S.-Russia summit showcased a great deal of positive rhetoric, but they are unlikely to lead to a substantial improvement in overall relations.
The economic crisis may have exacerbated many of the vulnerabilities in Russia's economy, but it stopped the deterioration of U.S.-Russian relations, which were the lowest they had been in twenty-five years.
As the Obama administration seeks a complete reset of the U.S.-Russia relationship, progress on nuclear weapons must still be the top priority.
Obama’s message in Moscow needs to translate his visionary pragmatism into a language that will resonate with Russians.
Pushing the "reset button" on U.S.-Russia relations will be impossible if a dramatic curtailment of Russian state resources produces harder political crackdowns, economic nationalism, and isolationism.
The United States should pursue a joint missile defense system to improve long-term relations with Russia.
Each of seven major religions in Eurasia—Buddhism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Islam, Protestantism, Russian Orthodoxy, and paganism—has been forced to develop under the modern pressures of globalization.
Minimizing the environmental impact of climate change and resource development in the Arctic must be a top priority, if environmental disaster is to be avoided.
Bashkortostan President Rakhimov's public attack on United Russia's centralization of power strengthened him politically and demonstrated the political savvy of the older cadre of Russian governors.
President Obama’s visit to Moscow on July 6-8 is likely to have more influence on world politics than most regular state visits. The tone for U.S. policy towards Russia will be set depending on who he meets with and the rhetoric he uses during this trip.
The Russian government has intensified its attempts to edit the nation's past by establishing an anti-falsification commission whose potential effects on academic research are disquieting.
Russia remains hobbled by an unfulfilled need to diversify its economy and to strengthen the independence of its economic and judicial systems. A global turnaround will not solve these problems.
The economic crisis has had a clear impact on the already impoverished countries of Central Asia, but few Americans and Europeans have noticed. China and Russia have stepped in to provide aid, and their investments threaten institutional reform in the region.
Grave violence plagues the North Caucasus, which should be a key humanitarian concern for Europe. But the economic crisis will largely determine how much will be done to help the region.
The federal highway occupation by workers in the small town of Pikalyovo illustrates both the fact that the Russian people have no way to communicate with their government and that the government's only method of resolving problems is through Putin's direct intervention.
If the Obama administration believes U.S. relations with Russia's authoritarian regime can be reduced to the false dichotomy of isolation or cooperation, its efforts to improve relations with Moscow will lead to more mutual disappointment.
The European Union has little direct governmental influence on Russia, but its indirect societal influence is significant. Ultimately, however, while the EU can help efforts to modernize Russia, there is a need for real reform from inside the country itself.
Despite President Obama’s upcoming participation in the Russia-U.S. summit in St. Petersburg, much of the American foreign policy community remains at odds over U.S. policy towards Moscow.
Europe’s Eastern Partnership is the clearest indication so far of its capability and willingness to project soft power into what Moscow regards as its sphere of influence.
Newly-released survey results show that Russians are holding regional leaders, rather than the federal government, responsible for the economic crisis in their regions. But federal authorities won't be able to get away with this forever.