Russia and India should initiate the creation of a roadmap for developing Russian-Indian relations. Without a binding roadmap, the “strategic partnership” will remain nothing but pretty window dressing that conceals the absence of strategy.
President Vladimir Putin’s recent state visit to Turkey outlined the long-awaited breakthrough in the bilateral relations of the two countries. The meeting brought new life to a relationship that had been characterized by the “limits of growth” problem and that required a qualitative broadening of the established model of cooperation.
One of the most important consequences of the dramatic violence in Grozny may be the impact it has on Russia-Western relations. Amidst a stand-off with the West over Ukraine, the Kremlin may interpret this terrorist acts as “Western attempts to fuel instability inside Russia.”
Vladimir Putin’s annual address to parliament on December 4, 2014 has laid down the Kremlin's medium-term strategy. The next four or five years will be very difficult if not critical for Russia, and the Russians, in Putin’s view, absolutely must meet the challenges and win.
The falling oil price and rapid devaluation of Russian currency not only affect the economy, the budget, and the joking habits of the elite, but also have an effect on Moscow’s foreign policy.
Calling time on the South Stream pipeline project, Putin announced a new Black Sea pipeline to Turkey instead. The new project could be a competitor to Azerbaijan gas ambitions, but, at the same time, it may require more collaboration in the future.
In reduced economic circumstances the big test for Russia is whether it will be forced to retrench, or whether Vladimir Putin will take his chances on expansionist foreign policy at a moment when there’s less money to go around to combat legitimate threats.
Vladimir Putin’s trip to Turkey could help him recover from the cold-shouldering at the G20 summit in Brisbane, but it will not make Ankara abandon its great strategic goal to become an indispensable supplier of natural gas to Europe and a major competitor for Gazprom.
In view of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Turkey, Eurasia Outlook asked a few of the authors of the recent paper on Russian-Turkish cooperation what to expect from this visit.
Recent events in Russian-American relations are often compared with events during the Cold War. There is no doubt that, along with other factors, information will play a key role in the new form of Russian-American confrontation.
An agreement between Iran and the P5+1 will not deal a significant blow to Moscow’s relationship with Tehran. While the nuclear issue remains the most important aspect of Western relations with Tehran, the Russian-Iranian agenda is much broader.
Military cooperation between Russia and Pakistan will be very specific and driven by concrete, pragmatic, and limited goals. At the same time, India remains Russia’s priority partner.
In character and attitude, Germany and Russia are the antipodes in today’s international system. That could explain perhaps both the closeness the two countries have felt for years and the growing confrontation which has come with the Ukraine crisis.
As Russia and the West enter a period of prolonged mutual resentment and distrust, the post-Soviet space remains the most volatile issue in their relationship.
On November 11, Russia and Iran signed a package of documents paving the way for Moscow to construct up to eight nuclear power units. With this agreement, Russia and Iran have established a solid economic foundation for political dialogue.
With Russia—for better or worse. That is the message society in Abkhazia is receiving now that a new Abkhaz-Russian treaty has been drafted which could be signed as early as next week.
The financial troubles of the ruble represent the most striking and dangerous strategic challenge facing the Russian state since the conflict in Ukraine began.
Turkey sees the acute energy market competition as an opportunity to establish itself both as an influential energy state and as a central Eurasian power. In this regard, choosing Turkmenistan as the site of one of the first state visits by the new Turkish president was not accidental.
In Donbas, there is mostly a tactical operation aimed at reinforcing rebel positions, not preparation for a full-fledged war. The West may not have a better solution than to accept to freeze Donbas for the winter.
Pax Sinica has come. Countries in China’s orbit will be given security guarantees and trade preferences as long as they remain allegiant. Thus, the pivot to Asia will only drive Russia to unnecessary dependence on China.
Strategic Partnership Without Strategy?
Putin’s Visit to Turkey: Who Will Pay for the “Breakthrough in Bilateral Relations”?
The Grozny Attacks and Russia’s Relationship with the West
Putin’s Urbi et Orbi
Unexpected Blow: How Falling Oil Prices and the Depreciating Ruble Influence Russia’s Pivot to Asia
Winners and Losers in the Black Sea Gas Game
OPEC Cuts Into Russian Coffers, But Will Expensive Grand Strategy Live On?
Anxious in Ankara
What Do You Expect From Vladimir Putin’s Visit to Turkey?
Russian-American Confrontation in the Age of the Internet
Russia, Iran, and the Nuclear Negotiations in Vienna
Will Mi-35M Helicopters Fly to Pakistan?
Russia and Germany: The Antipodes in the International System
The Drivers of Russian Policy in the Post-Soviet Space
“Nuclear Spring” in Russian-Iranian Relations
Abkhazia: Deeper With Russia
Weak Ruble Exchange Rate Represents Political Bargaining Challenge
Turkey’s Strategy for Turkmenistan: What Is Behind Erdoğan’s Last Visit to Ashgabat?
Frozen Donbas?
Pax Sinica: China and the New Russia