Carnegie Moscow Center
The idea of authoritarian modernization, or state capitalism, has become fashionable in the wake of the global financial crisis, but the examples of China and Russia demonstrate that it is ultimately a self-serving illusion.
The development of a NATO-Russia joint missile defense system is not currently viable, primarily because of political constraints and a lack of trust between the two sides.
A political transition, rather than regime change, may be the only chance for international cooperation on Syria.
By censoring the media, discrediting moderate opposition, and provoking popular discontent, Putin is only widening the fissures threatening the whole Russian political system.
The recent meeting between Putin and Obama has resulted in an increase in Putin’s self-confidence, his attempt to pressure the United States, and Obama’s aspiration not to aggravate relations with the Kremlin.
The fact that Morsi’s victory was allowed to stand marks a major change in Egypt, but it is only one step in a process of transformation that will take time, be punctuated by many acrimonious battles, and in the end may not lead to democracy
Recent bureaucratic appointments by Vladimir Putin and the installation of longtime Putin ally Igor Sechin as Rosneft’s chief executive offer the international community a glimpse of some of Putin’s chief economic and foreign policy objectives.
The developments in Egypt over the past few days have thrown what had been a confused set of institutional arrangements into even greater disarray and threatened the already tenuous transition to democracy.
If United States and Russia fail to collaborate on urgent global issues, it could enhance the two countries’ mutual alienation, allow regional crises to run unabated, and even lead to a reconfiguration of the world’s strategic landscape.
The study of the Soviet drive toward collectivization in Kazakhstan and the resulting famine comes with a particular set of challenges.
In case of unobstructed civil war in Syria, the division between Russian and U.S. policies toward Syria will most probably deepen, and the choices of these two countries will have serious international implications, including stronger Russia-China cooperation to counter U.S. foreign policies.
For many, the draft statute for the Ministry for the Development of the Russian Far East signals the possible reform of the entire system of state administration, but all signs point to little real change.
Russian liberals are increasingly critical of the West as Western countries pursue a pragmatic foreign policy that often helps the Kremlin legitimize its rule.
A flexible relationship, rather than an alliance, may better suit Russia and China despite their many shared interests.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate, Mohamed Morsi, is likely to win the second round of Egypt’s presidential election, with important ramification not only for Egypt but also for the region as a whole.
The Kremlin is unlikely to be able to manage gubernatorial elections the way it might wish, as it becomes increasingly difficult for Moscow to manage the democratic process at the regional level.
To forge an effective partnership with Moscow, the EU must first understand Russia’s political, economic, and security designs, and how best to deal with another round of Putin.
The situation in Syria has two potential outcomes. There will either be a military victory by the opposition or President Bashar al-Assad will step down. In any case, Assad has lost.
The Obama administration's policy on Russia is proving to be fairly insignificant in the ongoing U.S. presidential campaigns.
Putin's return to the Kremlin may well act as an accelerator for revolution, because it means that the logic of personalized power will continue to stand in the way of regime change.