Putin's return to the Kremlin may well act as an accelerator for revolution, because it means that the logic of personalized power will continue to stand in the way of regime change.
Each of the three previous four-year presidential terms in Russia—two of Vladimir Putin and one Dmitry Medvedev’s—has been marked by a different policy toward the West, and the new Putin’s six-year period opening in 2012 is likely to follow that pattern.
Europe, Russia, and the United States can take steps to build trust and find a way to work together cooperatively on missile defense.
Putin’s surprising decision to skip the G8 summit means that he is putting the stability of his power structure above his diplomatic engagements abroad.
Dmitry Medvedev’s four years of presidency were a missed opportunity in terms of modernizing the country. His most important achievements were in foreign policy, not in domestic policy.
The Institute for World Economy and International Relations has released a forecasting project which challenges the Russian leadership to recognize and adapt to measurable global trends, even when those run counter to the Kremlin line.
The chief goals of U.S.-Russian relations should be developing engagement, building trust, and transforming the nature of the strategic relationship.
An inclusive security community in the Euro-Atlantic and stable peace in the region depends on a positive transformation of U.S.-Russian relations and historical reconciliation between Russia and a number of countries in Central and Eastern Europe.
With anxieties over the nuclear activities of North Korea and Iran looming large, heads of state from 53 countries convened in Seoul this week to reaffirm and intensify their commitment to prevent nuclear materials from getting into the hands of terrorists.
As the U.S. primaries and elections continue, the candidates should consider laying some groundwork now for a Russia policy robust enough to bear the weight of concrete U.S. interests that depend on cooperation with Moscow.