A failure by the U.S. Senate to ratify New START before the end of the year may cause Moscow to doubt the U.S. commitment to improving ties with Russia and could put the reset in bilateral relations on hold.
The new mayor of Moscow, Sergei Sobyanin, has already introduced a host of initiatives, and while it remains to be seen whether he will be an effective manager, he seems unlikely to be satisfied with merely preserving the status quo.
Instead of helping Russia to transform itself, the reset between Russia and the West ultimately serves to legitimize the Russian system of personalized power and enable the preservation of the status quo.
With divisions emerging within the Group of 20, the big players at the upcoming G20 meeting in Seoul will need to work together to avert a currency war and reduce trade tensions.
The United States, Europe, and Russia have a crucial stabilizing role to play in the world, but they must begin by transforming the Euro-Atlantic space into a stronger, inclusive security community.
The recent U.S. midterm elections could mean delay or even reversal for the Obama administration’s foreign policy agenda toward Russia, particularly on issues like New START, the “123 agreement” on civilian nuclear cooperation, and trade relations.
In this global era, the world faces a host of security challenges which cannot be resolved by any one nation, especially through the unilateral use of military force. One key issue that requires urgent international attention is the military use of outer space.
A strong U.S.-Indian partnership is in both countries’ strategic interest and both must make an effort to strengthen the relationship and foster India's continuing economic and political rise.
The ongoing conflicts in the Caucasus stem more from the way the region was managed under the Soviet system than from any ethnic incompatibility or ancient hatreds among its inhabitants.
The U.S.-Russia reset is off to a solid beginning, but it is incomplete in many respects; while the countries have made good progress in their relationship, much remains to be done.
If the “reset” in U.S.-Russia relations does not help achieve a genuine movement towards Russia’s political liberalization, then it risks legitimizing the Kremlin's system of personalized power.
Although the U.S.-Russia Bilateral Presidential Commission, which aims to enhance cooperation between the two countries on a broad range of shared interests, appears promising so far, the two sides must work together closely to ensure it continues to produce results.
President Medvedev used his visit to the contested Kuril Islands to pursue his domestic political objectives, at the cost of undermining Russia’s strategic goal to turn Japan into a key partner in the East.
Russia’s North Caucasus is in the grip of a low-intensity civil war and Moscow’s current policy of building up Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov has not succeeded in preventing the spread of violence.
The rise of major non-Western powers makes the avoidance of traditional geopolitical rivalries a must if one wants a peaceful world order. This is particularly relevant to Euro-Atlantic zone, which is still divided on security issues.
The use and misuse of history as a tool for political competition and control has become an increasingly visible phenomenon in public and political life in Russia and other post-Soviet countries over recent years.
The results of the American midterm elections, held on November 2, could have an impact on the U.S.-Russia relationship and on key agenda items, including New START, the 123 agreement, and Russia’s accession to the WTO.
When NATO leaders convene in November, they will undertake a reexamination of the alliance’s policy on nuclear weapons, a review that, spurred by recent nonproliferation initiatives, could split NATO’s members if not handled carefully.
The inability of Armenia and Azerbaijan to find any common ground in their conflict over Nagorno Karabakh undermines the chance of peace in the region and, without more constructive international engagement, increases the risk of outright war.
The second trial of Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev is overtly political and aims not only to justify then-President Vladimir Putin's brand of Russian governance, but also to show that Putin is not ready to step down from power.