The breakdown in the U.S.-Russian bilateral relationship threatens to be long-lasting and volatile. Exchanges between policymakers on both sides have descended to depths not seen since the darkest days of the Cold War. Normal channels of communication between the two governments are barely functioning. Links between U.S. and Russian societies have also been negatively impacted by the crisis, making people-to-people exchanges more important than ever.
Against this difficult backdrop, Carnegie Moscow Center’s new project aims to strengthen exchanges and dialogue between leading U.S.- and Russia-based scholars and experts, and to create new communication channels between the voices of the younger generation.
The project is implemented in cooperation with the U.S. Embassy to Moscow.
The Biden-Putin summit has elicited hopes for a new status quo in relations between Russia and the West, marked by guardrails and the prevention of further destabilization. Yet this momentum will be short-lived if it is not backed up by coordination between the United States and Europe, and commitment from Moscow.
For now, India’s role in the Western Pacific region remains symbolic, and in the Indo-Pacific context, confined to the Indian Ocean Region.
The U.S.-Russia standoff has escalated so much in recent years that other countries find it almost impossible to maintain good relations with both Washington and Moscow. Those who manage to tread that line successfully include South Korea.
Russia and India’s divergence toward the two global centers of power—China and the United States—is gradually burning the bridges of Russian-Indian friendship.
Cyber security has moved to the very center of contemporary security concerns worldwide. Reports of major cyberattacks, with the potential to paralyze the critical infrastructure of entire nations, are increasingly frequent. A nexus between cyber and nuclear capabilities puts the issue of global strategic stability in a completely new light.
If Moscow and the West manage to de-escalate their confrontation, Lukashenko’s main currency—his demonstrative anti-Western stance—will be devalued in the eyes of the Kremlin.
The CSTO still has a chance to prove itself—if it can demonstrate effective and coordinated work after the impending withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan.
The central feature of the new strategy is its focus on Russia itself. The Russian leadership has every reason right now to turn homeward to address the glaring weaknesses, imbalances, and inequalities of the country’s internal situation.
For now, there is no public discussion of exploiting Antarctic mineral deposits, but in 2048, the Madrid protocol banning mining is due to be reviewed, and it’s unlikely the status quo will remain in place.
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