Carnegie Moscow Center
Recent bureaucratic appointments by Vladimir Putin and the installation of longtime Putin ally Igor Sechin as Rosneft’s chief executive offer the international community a glimpse of some of Putin’s chief economic and foreign policy objectives.
If United States and Russia fail to collaborate on urgent global issues, it could enhance the two countries’ mutual alienation, allow regional crises to run unabated, and even lead to a reconfiguration of the world’s strategic landscape.
In case of unobstructed civil war in Syria, the division between Russian and U.S. policies toward Syria will most probably deepen, and the choices of these two countries will have serious international implications, including stronger Russia-China cooperation to counter U.S. foreign policies.
For many, the draft statute for the Ministry for the Development of the Russian Far East signals the possible reform of the entire system of state administration, but all signs point to little real change.
Russian liberals are increasingly critical of the West as Western countries pursue a pragmatic foreign policy that often helps the Kremlin legitimize its rule.
A flexible relationship, rather than an alliance, may better suit Russia and China despite their many shared interests.
Putin’s visit to China is important for both China and Russia, but if the two countries wish to strengthen their bilateral relations, Moscow and Beijing need to work to enhance trust and build a long-term strategy of mutual cooperation.
The Kremlin is unlikely to be able to manage gubernatorial elections the way it might wish, as it becomes increasingly difficult for Moscow to manage the democratic process at the regional level.
China and Russia are often considered to be partners, but it would be a mistake to assume that there are no problems between the two countries.
To forge an effective partnership with Moscow, the EU must first understand Russia’s political, economic, and security designs, and how best to deal with another round of Putin.