Carnegie Moscow Center
The third presidential debate lacked a strategic vision for U.S. foreign policy toward Russia and China.
Moscow would probably prefer Obama to win in the U.S. presidential elections, but a Romney win would not be seen as a disaster. Romney's Cold War-style rhetoric fits into Putin’s worldview and helps him to mobilize his supporters.
As the traditional Russian system predicated on personalized power heads toward its end, the United States can either continue to support the current system or it can recognize the transience of this system and thus help Russian society cope with the changes to come.
The Russian government's move to end USAID activities is the latest example of longstanding Russian distrust of foreign governmental and NGO assistance programs.
Despite high-profile disagreements on Syria and the broader changes brought in the wake of the Arab Spring, the United States and Russia continue to share similar interests in the region.
The Kremlin assesses the U.S. presidential candidates by one criterion: which will help it pursue its own domestic agenda. Moscow could be happy with both a second Obama term and a first Romney one.
Historically the U.S. Democrats have been perceived as weak in foreign policy and national security, but President Barack Obama has a strong record in these spheres.
Modern Russia has exploited its Asia-Pacific advantages rather poorly, if at all. The country must find a pathway to a dynamic future and make a pivot from West to East—where the greatest geopolitical challenge is rising.
By the time the dust has cleared from the 2012 elections, relations between Moscow and Washington will be in need of new energy and a new agenda.
While Russian military reform, aimed at creating a modern military institution, has proven relatively successful, the Putin leadership’s strategic thinking remains outdated.