Carnegie Moscow Center
The emerging Sino-Russian relationship in the Xi-Putin era is likely to take the form of a tandem in which China will be the driving force, though not at the cost of Russia surrendering its independence.
The protests in Russia cannot be called a political phenomenon, as the participants are experienced in civic activism but not in political life.
Deadlock at the UN Security Council has so far dashed international hopes for finding an end to the Syrian crisis. The United States and Russia must now find a practical mechanism for implementing political transition in Syria.
Western society wants to bring back a normative dimension to foreign policy and stop the export of corruption from authoritarian and semi-authoritarian countries to the West.
Xi Jinping’s first foreign trip as China’s president reflects the remarkable progress made in the Chinese-Russian relationship. But potential pitfalls remain.
A true de-Stalinization process in Russia will require no less than a reinvention of Russian nationhood based on a rejection of the traditional concept of the state, an end to the political and historical immunity of the secret police, and the emergence of a concept of "we, the people."
Joseph Stalin, the Soviet leader responsible for the deaths of millions, still commands worryingly high levels of admiration in some post-Soviet countries.
Poland’s decision to indirectly criticize Russia on human rights issues as part of the EU and not as a single state is a strategic decision. This allows Warsaw to voice its concerns while still maintaining its position in the EU and reaping the benefits of productive relations with Moscow.
The Russian government should transition to a comprehensive and overarching strategy in South Asia.
For the first time, Moscow has said openly that it will limit the West and its influence not only in Russian territory but also in the post-Soviet countries.