Carnegie Moscow Center
The Polish-German joint letter calling on the EU to revamp its policy on Russia is a milestone in the two countries’ common policy toward Moscow. If this cooperation lasts, it could reshape politics both within the EU as well with its Eastern neighbors.
There is space both for economic cooperation and competition among the Shanghai Cooperation Organization member countries, all of which could benefit from more trade and investment.
Russians should not expect modernization to be initiated from the top. Nor can a modern economy develop in Russia without reforming its political institutions, such as elections, the courts, and the law enforcement agencies.
When Vladimir Putin reclaims Russia’s helm in 2012, he will have to manage an economy that has lost its momentum and is approaching stagnation. Falling oil and gas revenues will only make his job more challenging.
Countries have good reasons to become actively involved in developing effective climate policies, since underestimating global trends could significantly affect their economic competitiveness.
The harsh verdict for former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko demonstrates that Ukraine’s leadership prioritizes removing the opposition’s strongest candidate before parliamentary elections above good relations with the West.
Moscow’s evolving policies toward the Nordic-Baltic region are an important part of Russia’s larger approach to Europe and the Atlantic community.
As Ankara’s perception of Moscow as a geopolitical opponent and threat to Turkish interests diminishes, bilateral Russian-Turkish relations are on an upward trend.
By arresting former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, the Ukrainian authorities were trying to both weaken the domestic opposition and get Moscow to soften its stance on the gas prices. They appear to have failed to achieve either objective.
China and Russia share significant common ground on a number of issues, but a number of concerns still shape Sino-Russian bilateral relations.