President Obama spoke brilliantly and powerfully at Russia's New Economic School during his Moscow trip. Unfortunately, few Russians heard his speech or got more than a glimpse of the American president on the television news.
A recent poll showing that 60 percent of Russians support the return of direct elections for regional governors, indicates a growing realization that the authorities are in no condition to fulfill their obligations.
The agreements reached between U.S. President Obama and Russian President Medvedev at the U.S.-Russia summit showcased a great deal of positive rhetoric, but they are unlikely to lead to a substantial improvement in overall relations.
The economic crisis may have exacerbated many of the vulnerabilities in Russia's economy, but it stopped the deterioration of U.S.-Russian relations, which were the lowest they had been in twenty-five years.
As the Obama administration seeks a complete reset of the U.S.-Russia relationship, progress on nuclear weapons must still be the top priority.
Obama’s message in Moscow needs to translate his visionary pragmatism into a language that will resonate with Russians.
Pushing the "reset button" on U.S.-Russia relations will be impossible if a dramatic curtailment of Russian state resources produces harder political crackdowns, economic nationalism, and isolationism.
The United States should pursue a joint missile defense system to improve long-term relations with Russia.
Bashkortostan President Rakhimov's public attack on United Russia's centralization of power strengthened him politically and demonstrated the political savvy of the older cadre of Russian governors.
President Obama’s visit to Moscow on July 6-8 is likely to have more influence on world politics than most regular state visits. The tone for U.S. policy towards Russia will be set depending on who he meets with and the rhetoric he uses during this trip.
The Russian government has intensified its attempts to edit the nation's past by establishing an anti-falsification commission whose potential effects on academic research are disquieting.
The federal highway occupation by workers in the small town of Pikalyovo illustrates both the fact that the Russian people have no way to communicate with their government and that the government's only method of resolving problems is through Putin's direct intervention.
If the Obama administration believes U.S. relations with Russia's authoritarian regime can be reduced to the false dichotomy of isolation or cooperation, its efforts to improve relations with Moscow will lead to more mutual disappointment.
Europe’s Eastern Partnership is the clearest indication so far of its capability and willingness to project soft power into what Moscow regards as its sphere of influence.
Newly-released survey results show that Russians are holding regional leaders, rather than the federal government, responsible for the economic crisis in their regions. But federal authorities won't be able to get away with this forever.
By appointing Khabarovsk Governor Viktor Ishayev as the presidential envoy to the Far East Federal District the Kremlin is establishing a powerful and competent government lobbyist for the interests of the Far East.
Dimitry Medvedev's decision to meet with political liberals suggests he understands that without democracy Russia will not have a successful and stable future.
The mayoral campaign in Sochi illustrates the Kremlins desire to demonstrate a more liberal approach to domestic politics while also emphasizing the extent of its political control.
As top policy experts assess President Obama’s performance during his first hundred days in office, the results are somewhat mixed but generally positive.
The mayoral election in Sochi on April 26 marks a serious turning point in Russian politics; competition, both from the opposition and from within the party of power, is becoming more intense.