Carnegie Moscow Center
The Russian government's move to end USAID activities is the latest example of longstanding Russian distrust of foreign governmental and NGO assistance programs.
Despite high-profile disagreements on Syria and the broader changes brought in the wake of the Arab Spring, the United States and Russia continue to share similar interests in the region.
According to this year’s Transatlantic Trends survey, majority opinions toward Russia on both sides of the Atlantic have turned from favorable to unfavorable, while Russian opinions of the West was generally favorable.
The Kremlin assesses the U.S. presidential candidates by one criterion: which will help it pursue its own domestic agenda. Moscow could be happy with both a second Obama term and a first Romney one.
Historically the U.S. Democrats have been perceived as weak in foreign policy and national security, but President Barack Obama has a strong record in these spheres.
Modern Russia has exploited its Asia-Pacific advantages rather poorly, if at all. The country must find a pathway to a dynamic future and make a pivot from West to East—where the greatest geopolitical challenge is rising.
By the time the dust has cleared from the 2012 elections, relations between Moscow and Washington will be in need of new energy and a new agenda.
While Russian military reform, aimed at creating a modern military institution, has proven relatively successful, the Putin leadership’s strategic thinking remains outdated.
While it may be morally satisfying for U.S. politicians to criticize Russia, moral outrage without a smart negotiating strategy will do little to advance vital U.S. interests—including democracy and human rights.
If Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney is elected, there is reason to worry that bilateral relations between the United States and Russia may become frayed. However, Russia will not be Romney’s foreign policy priority.