Carnegie Moscow Center
To forge an effective partnership with Moscow, the EU must first understand Russia’s political, economic, and security designs, and how best to deal with another round of Putin.
The Obama administration's policy on Russia is proving to be fairly insignificant in the ongoing U.S. presidential campaigns.
Putin's return to the Kremlin may well act as an accelerator for revolution, because it means that the logic of personalized power will continue to stand in the way of regime change.
Each of the three previous four-year presidential terms in Russia—two of Vladimir Putin and one Dmitry Medvedev’s—has been marked by a different policy toward the West, and the new Putin’s six-year period opening in 2012 is likely to follow that pattern.
2012 is an election year for both Russia and the United States. Presidential elections have already taken place in Russia, and they will be held in the United States in November. It remains to be seen how these political changes might affect Russian-American relations.
Europe, Russia, and the United States can take steps to build trust and find a way to work together cooperatively on missile defense.
Putin’s surprising decision to skip the G8 summit means that he is putting the stability of his power structure above his diplomatic engagements abroad.
Dmitry Medvedev’s four years of presidency were a missed opportunity in terms of modernizing the country. His most important achievements were in foreign policy, not in domestic policy.
The Institute for World Economy and International Relations has released a forecasting project which challenges the Russian leadership to recognize and adapt to measurable global trends, even when those run counter to the Kremlin line.
A slimmed down NATO could do a better job of harmonizing transatlantic positions in crisis situations, be the hub of multinational, high-end military operations, and develop expertise and capabilities to deal with new threats such as cyber attacks.